Many Americans are disturbed by President Donald Trump’s trampling of the Constitution and nuking of the federal government. But one group seems to love what Trump is doing: young men.

New survey data show that support for Trump among this demographic has surged since the election. In November, men ages 18 to 29 voted for Trump by a 14-point margin (56% to 42%). It was the first time a GOP presidential candidate claimed an outright majority of the group since 1988 (when George H.W. Bush swept most age and gender combinations in a landslide victory).

Democrats have conducted many postmortems since November examining how they could reclaim the Gen Z “bro vote.” But they haven’t stemmed the losses so far.

In a YouGov survey conducted last week, young men gave Trump a “net favorability” rating (the share of who approve of Trump’s performance as president minus those who don’t) of +20. The numbers are noisy week to week, because this is a small subset of the overall population. But even monthly trends with larger sample sizes show Trump comfortably above water among young men since the election. In February thus far, they give him +8. For context, for most of his political career, Trump has been more disliked than liked by the general public.

Older men like Trump, too, though young men’s approval has been stronger on average over the past few months. And relative to women their own age, young men’s affection for Trump is especially striking — that is, the gender gap is much greater among the young.

Why? Theories abound.

Young men have been up for up for grabs politically for years, argues Richard B. Reeves, president of the American Institute for Boys and Men. Endless white papers and activist groups have tackled the challenges facing girls and women. Social movements have championed feminist causes (the Women’s March, #MeToo). Meanwhile the economic, social and psychological problems affecting men have been largely neglected — even mocked — by progressives.

“A lot of young men had the sense that the Democrats didn’t see them as having problems,” Reeves said. “They saw them as being the problem.”

Yet in many ways, men are faring worse than their female peers. Young men have lower academic achievement. They’re more likely to still live with their parents. They suffer more deaths caused by opioid overdoses and suicide. Younger White men from low-income households in particular are worse off than their fathers on most economic and social measures.

Men today have also become more isolated. Americans across the board spend more time alone than was the case 20 years ago — but this is especially true for young men.

Smartphones, which enable consumers to sort into their own polarized echo chambers, might help explain why a political gender divide appears to be emerging among youths globally, says scholar Alice Evans. She notes that young women worldwide have also become much more progressive over time, which has in turn fed a backlash that alt-right podcasters and influencers tap into.

That’s arguably how Trump won over young men, too — less with his policies and more with his macho affect and his ability to help isolated young men feel welcome and liked. After all, Trump’s agenda has done little to address the economic and mental health challenges young men face. Indeed, Reeves says American men’s policy preferences haven’t changed much in recent years.

What about Trump’s policy choices since coming into office?

Some seem tailored to appeal to stereotypical right-wing bros, such as his war on diversity, equity and inclusion programs.

On other Trump moves, the verdict is still out. The most recent monthly YouGov data show a dip in young men’s net approval for the president, though it’s still positive. A separate Post-Ipsos survey instead finds young men are roughly neutral on the president now.

On some level, the very things that disturb fussy establishment pundits like me — Trump’s strongman tendencies; his propensity to arbitrarily fire people and break stuff without regard to consequences — might appeal young male populists frustrated by a system they believe has abandoned them. These actions are certainly consistent with the “high-energy, edgy, almost transgressive” rhetoric that won young male voters over in November, Reeves surmises.

On the other hand, outcomes presumably matter, regardless of age and gender. If Trump’s agenda results in, say, more economic stress (higher prices, fewer jobs) and less access to mental health or substance-abuse care — both outcomes that seem likely — young men will suffer, too. Maybe their affection for Trump will curdle.

Ultimately, the key to winning young men back — whether you’re a politician, concerned parent or potential partner — is to stop “pathologizing” them, Reeves admonishes. Instead, start listening.