10 years ago, a ‘brief’Arab Spring
Uprising in Tunisia opened the way for a wave of revolts
CAIRO — Was it real? It’s all been erased so completely, so much blood has been shed and destruction wreaked over the past decade. The idea that there wasamomentwhenmillions across the Middle East wanted freedom and change somuchthattheytookto the streets seems like romantic nostalgia.
“It was very brief, man.
It was so brief,” said Badr Elbendary, anEgyptianactivist.
Elbendary was blinded on the third day of his country’s revolt in 2011, when security forces shot him in the face during clashes with protesters.
Today, he’s in the United States. Hecan’treturnhome.
Many of his comrades from the protests languish in prisons in Egypt.
In December 2010, the uprising began in Tunisia and quickly spread from country to country in revolts against longtime authoritarian rulers. It became known as the Arab Spring, but for thosewhotooktothestreets, the call was “revolution.”
The uprisings were about more than just removing autocrats. Attheirheart, they were a mass demand by the public for better governance and economies, rule of law, greaterrightsand, mostofall, avoiceinhowtheircountries are run.
For a time after 2011, the surge toward those dreams seemed irreversible. Now they are further than ever.
Thosewhokeepthefaithare convinced that yearning was realandremains—oriseven growing as people across the Arab world struggle with worsening economies and heavier repression. Eventually, they say, it will emerge again.
“We have lowered our dreams,” saidAmani Ballour, a Syrian doctor who ran an underground clinic treating casualties in the opposition enclave of Ghouta outside Damascus until it collapsed under a siege by Syrian government forces in 2018.
Shehassinceleftthecountry.
“The spirit of the demonstrations may be over for now ... But all those who suffered from the war, from the regime’s repression, they won’t put up with it,” she said from Germany. “Even intheareascontrolledbythe regime, thereisgreatfrustration and anger building up among the people.”
The region is traumatized by its most destructive decade of the modern era, perhaps the most destructive in centuries.
Across Syria, Yemen and Iraq, millions have lost their homes in war. Armed factions have proliferated in those countries and Libya.
Poverty rates have risen around the region, especially with the coronavirus pandemic.
Activistsandanalystshave had a decade to pore over why it went wrong.
Secular liberals failed to presentacohesivefront. Islamists like the Muslim Brotherhood overplayed their hand. Labor organizations, neutered by autocratic rule, couldn’tstepupasapowerful mobilizer.
The United States and Europe were muddled in theirresponses,tornbetween their rhetoric about backing democracyandtheirinterest instabilityandworriesabout Islamists.
In the end, they largely listened to the latter.
Gulf monarchies used oil wealth to smother any revolutionary tide and back reactionary powers. Russia, Iran, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates waded into the region’s wars with military forces and arms for allies.
Ultimately, few expected just how wide some leaders were willing to throw open the gates of Hell to keep power.
Syria’s Bashar Assad proved the most ruthless.
Faced with armed rebellion, he and his Russian and Iranian allies decimated cities, and he used chemical weapons on his own people.
After he was ousted in 2011, Yemen’s strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh tried to regain power by allying with the Iranian-backed Shiite Houthi rebels. Together, they captured the capital and Yemen’s north. The resulting civil war has been catastrophic, killing tens of thousands and pushing the populationtowardstarvation in the world’s worst ongoing humanitarian disaster.
InLibya, theU.S. andEuropean countries retreated from involvement after their bombardment helped bring down Moammar Gadhafi.
The oil-rich Mediterranean nation promptly collapsed into civil war. Over the years, it has involved the many local militias, units of the old national army, al-Qaida, the Islamic State group, Russian mercenaries and Turkish-backed Syrian fighters, with at least two — at one point three — rival claimant governments.
Syria’s civil war gave the Islamic State group a theater in which to build strength.
From there it burst out to overrun a swath of Syria and Iraq, opening up yet another war that wreaked destruction in Iraq.
In Egypt, President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi often points to the wreckage around the region to bolster one of his key claims to legitimacy—“withoutme, chaos.”
He often says stability is needed while he reshapes the economy, an argument that resonates among many Egyptians.
AftercrushingtheMuslim Brotherhood and Islamists, his government has arrested secular activists and others, often bringing them before terrorism court.
Still, uprisings erupt in the region.
Massive protests spread around Lebanon and Iraq in late2019andearly2020, with crowds demanding entire ruling classes be removed.
In Sudan, protesters forced out longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir. Learning a lesson from 2011, they kept up their protests, trying to dislodge the military from power as well. They were only partially successful.
Thoserevoltspointtohow the ambitions of the initial uprisings still echo around the region. But for the time being, even incremental changeoftenseemstoomuch to hope for.
Rather than real democracy, “my dream before I die is to see less torture, fewer arrests, and a real, better economy,” said Ramy Yaacoub, who was involved in Egypt’s protests and post-revolution politics during the heady days after Hosni Mubarak’s fall and now heads the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Studies in Washington.
Someactivistshaveturned to improving themselves, studying and building skills, keeping away despair.
Elbendary has regained partial sight in one eye.
In the years since leaving Egypt, he has been doing consulting work on community organizing, policy research, independentmedia development and conflict resolutionaroundtheregion.
A brief visit to Egypt in late 2018 and early 2019 made it clear it wasn’t safe for him to stay.
Now in Washington, he wrestles with exile. He still celebrates the uprising as “my rebirth” in his Twitter bio. The hope lies with a generation gaining knowledge that can one day benefit their homelands.
But when? Several years at the most optimistic, he said — not for real change, “for a slight opening, a slight margin where we can breathe.”
“It was very brief, man.
It was so brief,” said Badr Elbendary, anEgyptianactivist.
Elbendary was blinded on the third day of his country’s revolt in 2011, when security forces shot him in the face during clashes with protesters.
Today, he’s in the United States. Hecan’treturnhome.
Many of his comrades from the protests languish in prisons in Egypt.
In December 2010, the uprising began in Tunisia and quickly spread from country to country in revolts against longtime authoritarian rulers. It became known as the Arab Spring, but for thosewhotooktothestreets, the call was “revolution.”
The uprisings were about more than just removing autocrats. Attheirheart, they were a mass demand by the public for better governance and economies, rule of law, greaterrightsand, mostofall, avoiceinhowtheircountries are run.
For a time after 2011, the surge toward those dreams seemed irreversible. Now they are further than ever.
Thosewhokeepthefaithare convinced that yearning was realandremains—oriseven growing as people across the Arab world struggle with worsening economies and heavier repression. Eventually, they say, it will emerge again.
“We have lowered our dreams,” saidAmani Ballour, a Syrian doctor who ran an underground clinic treating casualties in the opposition enclave of Ghouta outside Damascus until it collapsed under a siege by Syrian government forces in 2018.
Shehassinceleftthecountry.
“The spirit of the demonstrations may be over for now ... But all those who suffered from the war, from the regime’s repression, they won’t put up with it,” she said from Germany. “Even intheareascontrolledbythe regime, thereisgreatfrustration and anger building up among the people.”
The region is traumatized by its most destructive decade of the modern era, perhaps the most destructive in centuries.
Across Syria, Yemen and Iraq, millions have lost their homes in war. Armed factions have proliferated in those countries and Libya.
Poverty rates have risen around the region, especially with the coronavirus pandemic.
Activistsandanalystshave had a decade to pore over why it went wrong.
Secular liberals failed to presentacohesivefront. Islamists like the Muslim Brotherhood overplayed their hand. Labor organizations, neutered by autocratic rule, couldn’tstepupasapowerful mobilizer.
The United States and Europe were muddled in theirresponses,tornbetween their rhetoric about backing democracyandtheirinterest instabilityandworriesabout Islamists.
In the end, they largely listened to the latter.
Gulf monarchies used oil wealth to smother any revolutionary tide and back reactionary powers. Russia, Iran, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates waded into the region’s wars with military forces and arms for allies.
Ultimately, few expected just how wide some leaders were willing to throw open the gates of Hell to keep power.
Syria’s Bashar Assad proved the most ruthless.
Faced with armed rebellion, he and his Russian and Iranian allies decimated cities, and he used chemical weapons on his own people.
After he was ousted in 2011, Yemen’s strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh tried to regain power by allying with the Iranian-backed Shiite Houthi rebels. Together, they captured the capital and Yemen’s north. The resulting civil war has been catastrophic, killing tens of thousands and pushing the populationtowardstarvation in the world’s worst ongoing humanitarian disaster.
InLibya, theU.S. andEuropean countries retreated from involvement after their bombardment helped bring down Moammar Gadhafi.
The oil-rich Mediterranean nation promptly collapsed into civil war. Over the years, it has involved the many local militias, units of the old national army, al-Qaida, the Islamic State group, Russian mercenaries and Turkish-backed Syrian fighters, with at least two — at one point three — rival claimant governments.
Syria’s civil war gave the Islamic State group a theater in which to build strength.
From there it burst out to overrun a swath of Syria and Iraq, opening up yet another war that wreaked destruction in Iraq.
In Egypt, President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi often points to the wreckage around the region to bolster one of his key claims to legitimacy—“withoutme, chaos.”
He often says stability is needed while he reshapes the economy, an argument that resonates among many Egyptians.
AftercrushingtheMuslim Brotherhood and Islamists, his government has arrested secular activists and others, often bringing them before terrorism court.
Still, uprisings erupt in the region.
Massive protests spread around Lebanon and Iraq in late2019andearly2020, with crowds demanding entire ruling classes be removed.
In Sudan, protesters forced out longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir. Learning a lesson from 2011, they kept up their protests, trying to dislodge the military from power as well. They were only partially successful.
Thoserevoltspointtohow the ambitions of the initial uprisings still echo around the region. But for the time being, even incremental changeoftenseemstoomuch to hope for.
Rather than real democracy, “my dream before I die is to see less torture, fewer arrests, and a real, better economy,” said Ramy Yaacoub, who was involved in Egypt’s protests and post-revolution politics during the heady days after Hosni Mubarak’s fall and now heads the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Studies in Washington.
Someactivistshaveturned to improving themselves, studying and building skills, keeping away despair.
Elbendary has regained partial sight in one eye.
In the years since leaving Egypt, he has been doing consulting work on community organizing, policy research, independentmedia development and conflict resolutionaroundtheregion.
A brief visit to Egypt in late 2018 and early 2019 made it clear it wasn’t safe for him to stay.
Now in Washington, he wrestles with exile. He still celebrates the uprising as “my rebirth” in his Twitter bio. The hope lies with a generation gaining knowledge that can one day benefit their homelands.
But when? Several years at the most optimistic, he said — not for real change, “for a slight opening, a slight margin where we can breathe.”
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