On March 25, 115 years ago, my great-Aunt Fannie died in the workplace-altering Triangle Shirtwaist fire.

Fannie Lansner — the 21-year-old sister of my paternal grandfather — and 145 others perished in the horrific, high-rise factory blaze in New York City that led to a revolution in workplace safety, building codes and unionization.

My great-aunt had been in America for just four years after emigrating from Lithuania. Fannie was later called one of the many heroes that gruesome day, as the young forewoman was said to have directed co-workers to safety, only to become one of 80 workers forced to jump from the Manhattan factory’s windows to escape the killer flames.

A century-plus later, I wonder what someone like Fannie would think about today’s workplace.

For example, ponder the five-day workweek. Fannie and her co-workers died on a Saturday, a routine sixth day of a 1911 workweek. The weekend is one of numerous worker perks that emerged as the labor movement blossomed after the Triangle fire.

Yet Fannie might be saddened to see the union movement’s heyday in the rearview mirror. The first quarter of the 21st century has not been kind to organized labor.

It’s hard not to link that loss of worker power to many of the economic challenges the nation’s working class faces today — from diminished job security to income inequality to the lack of affordable housing.

By the numbers

When my trusty spreadsheet looked at union membership figures from UnionStats.com for 2025 and compared them with 2000, it was hard to find much growth, with California being a noteworthy exception.

In 2025, the Golden State’s 2.5 million union members ranked No. 1 among states and accounted for 17% of the nation’s 14.66 million members. After California, New York came in at 1.8 million and Illinois came in at 758,000.

California’s union membership grew by 8% over the quarter century, making it the 13th-fastest-growing among the states. Nationally, union rolls shrank 10%.

The biggest gains were found in Vermont at 35%, Washington at 34% and Texas at 33%. But in 32 states, membership dipped, with Wisconsin topping the list, shrinking 61%, and South Dakota down 48% and Iowa 44%.

This left union membership equal to 15% of California’s workforce. That’s the eighth-biggest share among the states, well above the 10% share nationally. Hawaii is No. 1 at 25%, followed by New York at 21% and Alaska at 18%. The smallest shares are found in South Dakota and North Carolina at 2%.

Still, organized labor’s share of all California workers dipped 1 percentage point over 25 years, from 16% in 2000. In the past quarter century, union share grew in just two states: Vermont, up 3 points, and Massachusetts, up 0.2 point.

The hot spot

Government workers are the labor movement’s growth engine.

California’s 1.4 million unionized public-sector positions last year ranked No. 1 among states and accounted for 19% of the nation’s 7.3 million. After California was New York at 945,000 and Illinois at 368,000.

Union membership in California among government workers grew 24% in a quarter century — 12th fastest among the states — versus a 2% gain nationally.

The biggest gains were in Delaware at 51%, Nevada at 47% and Texas at 45%. The largest drops were in Wisconsin (down 66%), South Dakota (down 63%) and Michigan (down 44%).

Union members represent 50% of California’s government staffing — the No. 8 share among the states — and well above the 33% share nationally.

The highest shares were in New York at 65%, Connecticut at 63% and Hawaii at 63%. The lowest? North Carolina at 6%, South Carolina at 7% and South Dakota at 8%.

But even California unions’ share of government workers was down 1 percentage point since 2000. Nationally, it’s off 4 points.

The cold spot

The private sector has thwarted the labor movement.

In California, 1.1 million private-sector workers were unionized last year — No. 1 among states and 15% of the nation’s 7.4 million. After California, there’s New York at 889,000, and Illinois at 390,500.

However, California’s private-sector union members dropped 7% over 25 years — 19th-best among the states. Nationally, it’s down 19%.

Big gainers: Vermont at 53%, North Dakota at 46% and Washington state at 31%. Largest drops: Wisconsin, down 58%; West Virginia, down 57%; and Iowa, down 56%.

That left only 8% of California’s private industry workers in unions — No. 11 among the states — versus 6% nationally. The highest share was in Hawaii at 13%, New York at 12% and Washington state at 11%. Lows? South Dakota at 1%, and Arkansas and North Carolina at 2%.

Organized labor’s share of California’s private sector was down 2 percentage points from 10% in 2000, versus a 3-point drop nationally. Share grew in just two states: Vermont, up 2 points, and North Dakota, up 0.02.

Factory flop

It’s not just that unions were once dominant in dying industries.

Think of the manufacturing industry that employed my great-Aunt Fannie, which was once a union hotbed. Organized labor has lost members due to shuttered plants — and lost clout.

In the past quarter-century, U.S. manufacturing jobs tumbled by 4.8 million, or 25%, to 14.5 million. However, unionized factory jobs dropped 1.7 million — or 60% — to 1.1 million in the same period.

So roughly one-third of manufacturing workers who lost their jobs in the past quarter century were union members.

That translates to unions having only 8% of factory workers last year, down from 15% in 2000.

Jonathan Lansner is the business columnist for the Southern California News Group. He can be reached at jlansner@scng.com.