It’s been only about nine weeks since President Donald Trump began his stunning pivot toward Moscow, reversing the U.S. policy of support for Ukraine as the victim of Russian aggression, and upending America’s policy alignment with Europe.

This turn of events began on Feb. 12, when Trump held a lengthy phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin, ending a three-year freeze in high-level contacts between Washington and Moscow. This was followed by an extraordinary meeting in Saudi Arabia between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. They discussed future economic ties and eventually restoring diplomatic relations. Trump’s lead negotiator, Steve Witkoff, has met with Putin three times.

In a series of concessions perhaps meant to induce Putin to agree to a peace deal, Trump had the United States vote alongside Russia against a United Nations resolution naming Russia as the war’s aggressor. The U.S. president ordered a halt to offensive cyber operations against Russia. He stopped U.S. funding for a three-year project to trace the thousands of Ukrainian children abducted by Russia, and he withdrew U.S. cooperation with the International Criminal Court that indicted Putin related to the kidnappings. To top it off, Trump slashed funding for the U.S. Agency for International Development — which funds many small, independent Russian and Ukrainian media outlets — and pushed to eliminate Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

Meanwhile, Trump has effectively thrown Ukraine under the bus. He has ruled out Ukrainian membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. He has refused to commit to any security guarantees for Ukraine, even as he pressures Kyiv to agree to a lopsided deal to surrender part of its future oil, gas and mineral wealth to the U.S. And he has berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky as a “dictator” and blamed him for starting the war.

What does Trump have to show for his policy shift toward Moscow? Pretty much nothing.

Putin has gleefully pocketed all the White House concessions and gifts, said “spasibo” and continued his ruthless assault on Ukrainian cities, while spurning entreaties for a reasonable peace deal. An especially devastating Russian missile attack on the city of Sumy on Palm Sunday left 35 dead and more than 100 wounded.

Trump’s one bit of success was an agreement reached last month between Russia and Ukraine not to attack each other’s energy infrastructure for 30 days. But Russian strikes continued in violation of the pause, and Russia has said it will no longer be bound by the deal when it expires.

Trump’s pivot to Russia has so far failed to meet his stated goal, which was to stop the war and end the suffering. It’s worth recalling that, during the campaign, Trump said he could end the war in “one day” after taking office.

On Friday, Rubio appeared to acknowledge the frustrating failure, telling reporters in Paris that Trump was ready to “move on” absent a peace deal soon. “I think the president’s probably at a point where he’s going to say, ‘Well, we’re done,’” Rubio said.

Diplomacy is painstaking work, and achievements rarely come in a few weeks, as the administration discovered with Gaza and might soon learn as it begins a new round of talks with Iran. Trump’s trademark bravado is no substitute for the long and difficult process of finding common ground between warring combatants, and calibrating the right combination of pressure and inducements to reach a deal.

Rather than shrug their shoulders and give up, Trump and his team should return to the approach of the Biden administration and European allies: continue to arm Ukraine so it can defend itself and raise the cost of the conflict for Russia. This means supplying Ukraine with more lethal weaponry and allowing the country to stage defensive strikes against military positions inside Russian territory, something the Biden administration was too slow to approve.

It also means reengaging with European allies whom Trump and his team have needlessly offended. Rubio’s meetings in Paris are a good start. The British and French have proposed a European military force to deploy to Ukraine as a deterrence against further Russian attacks, but the plan needs American logistics, intelligence and air support; Trump should provide it. Further, he should now recognize that Putin is the aggressor in this war, Ukraine is the victim and the Europeans are our allies in countering Russian aggression.