SACRAMENTO — In his remarks at the Minnesota State Fair on Sept. 2, 1901, Vice President Teddy Roosevelt gave his famous “speak softly but carry a big stick” speech. It mainly detailed his view of the proper federal approach toward foreign affairs — one that promoted quiet, resolute action rather than loud, disrespectful and inflammatory rhetoric. But his remarks also outlined his vision for government involvement in domestic affairs.

Roosevelt was then a Republican, but the major parties have shifted ideologies over the years. At the time, many Republicans championed progressivism – a “square deal” that prioritized environmental protection, trust-busting, consumer safeguards and workers’ rights measures that reduced power from what Roosevelt called “representatives of predatory wealth.”

“A good many of you are probably acquainted with the old proverb, ‘Speak softly and carry a big stick – you will go far,’” he said. “If a man continually blusters … a big stick will not save him from trouble, and neither will speaking softly avail, if back of the softness there does not lie strength, power. … So it is with the nation. It is both foolish and undignified to indulge in undue self-glorification, and, above all, in loose-tongued denunciation of other peoples.”

Per historical accounts, party foes tried to shut him up by handing him the vice presidency, which they viewed as a dead-end promotion. Yet four days after Roosevelt’s Minneapolis speech, an anarchist shot President William McKinley. He died eight days later and Roosevelt, age 42, was inaugurated president. Two of the nation’s most prominent modern leaders ought to pay attention to this refresher.

The jump-off-the-page lesson applies to President-elect Donald Trump. He recently taunted and ridiculed our friendly Canadian neighbors, with whom we share the world’s longest undefended border. Could he please for once stop his loose-tongued denunciations?

But there’s a bigger lesson for the pol who claims the mantle of resistance to the Trump resurgence. That man, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, should learn from his progressive forebears.

Earlier this month, Newsom called for yet another extraordinary session of the state Legislature to deal with the so-called “emergency” of the incoming GOP presidency. In the last special session, Newsom spoke in his characteristically loud manner. He tried to pound the same themes as Roosevelt, with his vows to take on the power of “greedy” oil corporations, who supposedly abuse California residents by charging them outlandish prices for gasoline.

“Hard-working folks being fleeced by the greed of these oil companies. These price spikes go directly in their pocket,” the governor said. But there was no substance. Everyone knows that California’s gas prices are so high because of Newsom’s own climate and tax policies — something that was reinforced by his administration’s simultaneous support for a new fuels standard that will dramatically boost prices. The resulting law is a “little stick” requirement that refiners maintain larger stockpiles.

The new special session will probably earmark an additional $25 million to the California Department of Justice so it can “Trump-proof” the state by preparing a variety of lawsuits against expected GOP actions regarding climate-change, transgender, abortion, water and immigration policies. States routinely oppose the feds and vice versa. Progressive California filed 100-plus suits against the previous Trump administration, just as conservative Texas filed a similar number opposing Biden-Harris edicts.

That earmark will help Attorney General Rob Bonta, but it’s a rounding error in California’s $290 billion 2025 budget. Lawmakers could easily find those extra funds during the normal course of legislative business, but a cynic might suggest that the main point here is to drive headlines and bolster Newsom’s position as the national leader of the Trump resistance (perhaps with an eye toward the 2028 election).

In fairness, Newsom — or Newscum as Trump childishly calls him — offered a subdued explanation, noting California “will work with the incoming administration and we want President Trump to succeed in serving all Americans. But when there is overreach, when lives are threatened, when rights and freedoms are targeted, we will take action.” How about taking a wait-and-see approach? Better yet, how about focusing on fixing our state’s not-insubstantial problems?

As I wrote in these pages recently, it’s not as if anyone in Trump World is quaking in their boots at the prospect of staring down our ineffective and surprisingly unpopular governor. If anything, Newsom — a prototypical modern progressive governor whose pro-democracy tour of Southern states evoked more mocking than fear — will serve as a perfect foil for MAGA.

I’m partial to incoming Los Angeles County District Attorney Nathan Hochman’s approach to expected challenges from Washington, D.C. In a recent interview with Deadline Hollywood, the Republican-turned-independent said, “I will uphold all the laws that are out there, including the ones that protect immigrants here in Los Angeles County, full stop.”

Finally, someone who will just enforce the law and speak softly about it. Newsom could learn a thing or two from him, too.

Steven Greenhut is Western region director for the R Street Institute and a member of the Southern California News Group editorial board. Write to him at sgreenhut@rstreet.org.